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The British Psychology Society's Occupational Digest is a blog dedicated to how psychology matters in the workplace. It follows the success of the award-winning BPS Research Digest which reports on psychology of every flavour. The Occupational Digest continues this spirit of reporting what matters, but keeps its sights firmly on what matters at work. This extends beyond academic findings to knowledge gathered through case studies and expert testimony. The purpose is to share evidence to help us understand work and make the most of it.
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by Alex Fradera in BPS Occupational Digest
Online tests for recruitment are widely used, and routinely followed up by specific feedback to applicants, in order to communicate decisions, emphasise the pedigree of the process to forestall complaints, and to benefit the candidate. But does it deliver on all these fronts, particularly when candidates have failed to meet the required threshold?Sonja Schinkel and colleagues explored this through two studies. The first asked 81 university students to put themselves into a hypothetical job application process and attempt two ability tests, drawn from a well-established measure of general mental ability. All participants were then told they were 'rejected' due to scoring worse than the top 20% of test-takers. They then answered questions about how fair they felt the outcome was, and provided a second set of well-being evaluations (the first taken before the test as a control variable for analyses). How did appearing to fail the test make them feel?Participants were happier when they felt the outcome was ultimately fair... unless they possessed an 'optimistic attributional style', measured before the test with items like 'what do you think when bad things happen to you?'. Why was this? This style involves attributing negative events to external, impermanent factors, and that attitude can help you dismiss a disappointment as just bad luck. But this buffer to well-being is eroded if you accept that an outcome is fair, owing something to internal and more enduring factors. A second experiment with 244 participants replicated this finding, and extended it by contrasting the non-specific test feedback (you didn't make the cut-off) with false, specific feedback (this is where you scored). Such specific feedback was worse for the well-being of all participants. Moreover, optimists in this condition didn't enjoy the well-being buffer when they judged the outcome was unfair. It's as if the specific feedback unavoidably presents a jarring internal attribution that can't be explained away.Experiencing a negative event, such as rejection, is unwelcome. Being able to attribute the event to external causes can lighten its emotional impact, but these studies demonstrate how many of the features of ability test feedback – emphasising the fairness of outcome through reference to psychometric properties, specificity of feedback including ranges of performance – impose internal attributions, and lead well-being to suffer, at least in the short term. Whether the self-insight gained outweighs the self-efficacy lost is a calculation left to another day.Schinkel, S., van Dierendonck, D., van Vianen, A., & Ryan, A. (2011). Applicant Reactions to Rejection Journal of Personnel Psychology, 10 (4), 146-156 DOI: 10.1027/1866-5888/a000047... Read more »
Schinkel, S., van Dierendonck, D., van Vianen, A., & Ryan, A. (2011) Applicant Reactions to Rejection. Journal of Personnel Psychology, 10(4), 146-156. DOI: 10.1027/1866-5888/a000047
by Alex Fradera in BPS Occupational Digest
Job engagement is one type of wellbeing at work, where an engaged worker is one who both feels positive about work and invests a great deal of energy into it. Engagement has taken the stage from the more passive notion of 'job satisfaction', grabbing the attention of organisations and those who study them. Research has focused on how a job's features make it engaging, but another line of study has begun to understand how personal attributes add to the mix.In this vein, Ilke Inceoglu and Peter Warr will soon publish analysis of three data sets comprising some 700 English-speaking employees. Theirs is the first engagement study to look across the 'Big 5' personality traits, using data from the Occupational Personality Questionnaire (not a Big 5 tool, but the frameworks have been aligned through previous research) collected online from participants keen to get insight about job assessment processes. The site also presented a short six-item job engagement scale, asking participants to rate how much they feel e.g. "I get absorbed in my job" over the past two months.Previous, less comprehensive investigations of personality separately found engagement related to 'Big 5' Conscientiousness and in another study to Extroversion and Emotional Stability. Looking across their datasets Inceoglu and Warr replicated these relationships as well as others, but then used multivariate analysis to see which personality components were unique predictors. (The interrelatedness of personality traits can otherwise falsely colour results.) The analysis showed that besides Emotional Stability the only significant factors were the 'Social potency' component of Extraversion, and the 'Achievement orientation' facet of Conscientiousness. This was as they had predicted: these are the energetic components of the traits, contrasting with their quieter siblings in 'Affiliation' (Extraversion) and 'Dependability' (Conscientiousness).Other wellbeing measures like job satisfaction depend on a combination of environmental and personality factors, so it's appropriate we understand engagement in these terms. This approach could explain anomalies: why do we tend to feel more engagement when we feel our job has the wrong amount of a given feature - too much travel, or too little autonomy? Shouldn't we feel less? The authors note that personality might be the hidden causal variable: maybe Achievement orientation drives both high engagement and high expectations for a job. Either way, it's clearer and clearer that workforce engagement isn't just down to job design, or organisational culture, but is influenced by the personal attributes of its members.If you're interested in accessing a preprint of the paper, try this link (pdf) courtesy of the University of Sheffield where Prof Warr is based.Ilke Inceoglu, & Peter Warr (2012). Personality and Job Engagement Journal of Personnel Psychology ... Read more »
Ilke Inceoglu, & Peter Warr. (2012) Personality and Job Engagement . Journal of Personnel Psychology . info:/
by Alex Fradera in BPS Occupational Digest
Back in 2003, Michelle Ryan checked her pigeonhole and found an article from the business section of The Times in 2003, stating that the ‘triumphant march of women into the country’s boardrooms has wreaked havoc’ on companies' performance. This was to be the spark for a line of enquiry that has borne years of fruitful research, and the story began her DOP keynote tour of the 'glass cliff'. The term riffs on the metaphor of the glass ceiling – the invisible limit which prevents women from making it to the top of organisations. The glass cliff is an invisible risk, referring to the experience of women who make it to senior positions, only to discover they are unusually precarious.Ryan began to perceive the glass cliff by scrutinising the claims of that newspaper article, deposited by an unknown friendly colleague. Historical data comparing 19 women appointed to the Board of Directors with a matched sample showed that appointments of women were indeed associated with slumps in share price, but that the slump preceded the appointment. The article had based its claims on a false assumption of causality, and it seemed instead that women were more likely to be appointed to companies in crisis.Ryan then used experimental investigations involving hypothetical situations. She asked participants to decide how they would fill a position, such as company finance director, by choosing between two similar candidates who differed in gender. When the position was presented within a stable context – a growing company, a winnable political seat – then the candidates were similarly favoured. However, when the situation was presented as one with a high chance of failure – a company in crisis, or an unwinnable seat – the women was a far more popular selection. People were even more likely to choose a female youth representative for a festival that was experiencing declining popularity.Perhaps women are seen as better crisis managers than men? (Ryan quoted Eleanor Roosevelt: ‘women are like teabags. You don’t know how strong they are until you put them in hot water.’) In another study, participants judged that a company in a stable context need a leader who was assertive, competitive, or possessed other traits judged to be stereotypically masculine by other participants in a pre-study phase. Meanwhile, leaders in crisis situations should be understanding, tactful, creative – more stereotypically feminine.But what is it about crises that women are seen as suited for: taking control and improving performance, for instance? Not so; a follow-up that separated out different aspects of leading in crisis found female traits were only favoured for the purpose of soaking up criticism or enduring negative conditions. And another study showed that when the crisis situation had full support of senior leadership, there was no preference for women to take the role. The data suggests that women are preferred when the situation is not just risky but actively precarious, with likely negative repercussions for the situation and themselves.What are the consequences for female board members? Well, there is evidence that female CEOs have far shorter tenures, and these may reflect the fact that their positions are often set up to fail. Ryan concluded that in the pursuit of equal opportunity, we shouldn't be misled by the raw numbers of women in leadership positions; the nature of the role matters just as much.In an interesting extension of her experimental work, Ryan and colleagues collected folk theories for the glass cliff via the BBC website. Women tended to believe that women are singled out for precarious positions, or that they have fewer opportunities and therefore accept riskier positions. The majority of men simply didn’t believe that women are differentially placed on the glass cliff.----Sample article:Ryan MK, Haslam SA, Hersby MD, & Bongiorno R (2011). Think crisis-think female: the glass cliff and contextual variation in the think manager-think male stereotype. The Journal of applied psychology, 96 (3), 470-84 PMID: 21171729... Read more »
Ryan MK, Haslam SA, Hersby MD, & Bongiorno R. (2011) Think crisis-think female: the glass cliff and contextual variation in the think manager-think male stereotype. The Journal of applied psychology, 96(3), 470-84. PMID: 21171729
by Alex Fradera in BPS Occupational Digest
You might notice thatmany studies we cover rely on survey rating data. This reflects thefield's research focus and its desire for 'ecological validity' -examining real-world contexts rather than simplified laboratoryset-ups. Nonetheless, as someone with a heterodox psychologybackground, I find it heartening when studies choose more imaginativemeasures.Here's a great example,entirely rating-free: a study that evaluates whether male CEOappearance affects company performance by actually measuring CEO facewidth-to-height (WHR) ratios in photos. The study suggests that incertain leadership contexts, leaders with larger WHR ratios generatehigher firm returns on assets, seemingly due to such faces conferringa psychological sense of power needed for dynamic decision-making.A similar finding thatrelied on rating data would be as much about perception as reality,but by using objective dimension measurements, the authors can makethe claim that biological features directly predict work performance.So is it time for HR departments to pull out the callipers? Let'shear more on the study.Elaine Wong andcolleagues gathered data from 55 Fortune 500 organisations,collecting online photos and available financial data. In anotherexample of a neat measurement variable, they conducted contentanalysis on letters to shareholders, analysing the frequency of wordsthat reflect high and low cognitive complexity - the tendency to seethe world as nuanced and graded (suggested by words like"possibility" or "trend") or black and white("absolutely", "irreversible"). These letters aregenerally understood to be the work of whole senior teams, not theCEO alone, so they tell us which company teams are cognitivelysimple, making them more likely to take decisions quickly indeference to authority. It turns out that onlyfor companies run by cognitively simple teams did wider-faced CEOsdelivered higher firm return on assets. In cognitively complex teams,where decisions are made more collectively and systematically, thereappears to be less opportunity for firm, powerful leaders to stamptheir authority. A fascinating nuance to the study.A skeptical view couldmount a counterclaim: CEO faces don't matter, but cognitively simpledecision-makers think they do. Their black-and-white thinking demandsa stereotypically solid-looking leader, or perhaps their history ofsolid-looking leaders has conditioned them toblack-and-white-thinking. Either way, such teams then compete overCEOs of desired appearance and, all things being equal, the mostattractive firms will be better at acquiring them. The lack of aneffect in cognitively complex teams? Faces don't loom large in theirchoices of leaders. It's an ad-hocargument, weakened by the fact the study analysis controlled for firmperformance in previous years. However, it's still possible that afirm on the verge of an upturn has a cachet they use to draw inleaders of the desired mould. Until a study explicitly measurespsychological power, and demonstrates that it is the linking variablebetween the biological characteristic and performance, it remainspossible that leaders with WHR are simply jumping on board to puttheir face to success.All in all, amethodologically sharp study that opens up examination of howbiological features act as markers for work-relevant capabilities. Wong, E., Ormiston, M., & Haselhuhn, M. (2011). A Face Only an Investor Could Love: CEOs' Facial Structure Predicts Their Firms' Financial Performance Psychological Science, 22 (12), 1478-1483 DOI: 10.1177/0956797611418838... Read more »
Wong, E., Ormiston, M., & Haselhuhn, M. (2011) A Face Only an Investor Could Love: CEOs' Facial Structure Predicts Their Firms' Financial Performance. Psychological Science, 22(12), 1478-1483. DOI: 10.1177/0956797611418838
by Alex Fradera in BPS Occupational Digest
Morethan ever, women are taking advanced degrees in SET subjects:science, engineering and technology. Yet a 'leaky pipeline' meanswomen are significantly under-represented at higher levels inacademia. What's the experience of those who take their expertiseinto the private SET sector? A recent study investigates. AuthorsLisa Servon and M Anne Visser surveyed 2,493 women who hold or haveheld SET management positions in private companies, following up withfocus groups. Many women experienced a grind in SET roles, with 8% ofthe sample working 100-hour weeks, compared to 3% of women in thegeneral workforce. Yet only 9.6% of STEM corporate roles were held bywomen, worse than the 15.4% in the general workforce. As 41% ofjunior SET roles in private companies are held by women, thissuggests the private pipeline is as leaky as the academic one. Whatspecific problems are women facing? 23% feel that women are activelyheld in low regard in their sector, notably in Engineering andTechnology. Over half of respondents reported experiencing sexualharassment at work. Balancing work and family life remains achallenge. And a third of the group felt extremely isolated at work:these individuals were 25% more likely to view their career asstalled, presumably because they lacked support systems such asmentors helpful for progression and managing tough times. Partof the isolation relates to the expectation that a good engineer(scientist, technologist) acts and thinks a certain, oftenstereotypically male way. One reaction was for women to act moremale, even distancing oneself from other women by putting them downor disavowing their work. Another strategy was to find a 'pocket ofsanity' in the organisation where being a woman wasn't an impedimentto getting on with the job. But such a strategy can undermine careerprogression: 36% of interviewees reported making lateral job moves,and 29% down-shifted to lower positions at one point. Once a safespace is found, it may feel difficult to leave.Toaddress these obstacles, Servon and Visser suggest changingorganisational culture, developing more diverse career routes andintroducing family-friendly policies. Women at the top make adifference too: when women held at least 10% of the top roles,respondents reported higher levels of support and feeling valued.Changes could be of wide benefit as "some factors causing womenin management to leave SET careers...may eventually drive men away aswell", especially if they disagree that blunt criticism orliving in your lab epitomise a functional SET culture.Servon, L., & Visser, M. (2011). Progress hindered: the retention and advancement of women in science, engineering and technology careers Human Resource Management Journal, 21 (3), 272-284 DOI: 10.1111/j.1748-8583.2010.00152.x... Read more »
Servon, L., & Visser, M. (2011) Progress hindered: the retention and advancement of women in science, engineering and technology careers. Human Resource Management Journal, 21(3), 272-284. DOI: 10.1111/j.1748-8583.2010.00152.x
by Alex Fradera in BPS Occupational Digest
Peopleestimate small tasks to take longer than they actually do, butunderestimate the time needed for larger tasks, leading to dangerousoverconfidence - a good reason to view projects as series of smallsteps. But what happens when you focus estimates on how much workwill be completed in a fixed time period, as is done in incrementallymanaged projects, common in IT and other industries? A recent articledemonstrates that flipping your focus reverses the biases: peoplebelieve they will be less productive within a long period of timethan in a short period.TorliefHalkjesvik and colleagues from the University of Oslo began withsimple task estimation. Following a pilot, their second study askedstudent participants within two conditions to imagine that they hadread a book excerpt (the task was framed retrospectively to avoidencouraging ambitious estimates to whip up motivation). One conditioninvolved estimating the time taken to read a fixed piece of text,either two or 32 pages. The work estimation condition involvedestimating the amount of text read in either three or 48 minutes. Interms of estimated productivity - page reading per minute - participants thought a big task was more efficient than a small one,but that proportionately less gets done in a larger amount of timethan a smaller one - seemingly a paradox. To Halkjesvik andco-authors, this simply demonstrates we have trouble with magnitude,dilating small things - "it's not *that* small!" andcompressing larger ones. This has parallels with other features, suchas Vierordt's law on time estimation,and the central tendency of judgment. Movingto an occupational setting, the authors informed 94 IT professionalsabout a genuine (historic) software project, broken into 10 ‘UserStories’ - discrete components common to IT projects. Thestudy again avoided personal motivation, here by focusing estimateson the productivity of a hypothetical project developer. Unlike theother studies, no effect was found for imagined time efficiency for completingsmaller (two User Stories) vs larger (five) tasks, but participantsestimated work delivered in 20 hours would be more efficient thanthat over 100. It's worth noting the study as a whole overestimatedthe true productivity of the historic project, so the estimation ofwork completed in short windows reflects a pinnacle of unwarrantedoverconfidence.Thesestudies suggest "smaller magnitudes (of work or of time) arejudged as disproportionately larger than large magnitudes."Breaking a software project down into a quick succession of releasesmay encourage unrealistic estimates of just how much of the projectwill get done in each release. Therefore, it's valuable to reverseyour thinking and focus on the sub-tasks involved, and sense-checkwhether their durations really do fit your fixed deadline.Halkjelsvik, T., Jørgensen, M., & Teigen, K. (2011). To read two pages, I need 5 minutes, but give me 5 minutes and I will read four: how to change productivity estimates by inverting the question Applied Cognitive Psychology, 25 (2), 314-323 DOI: 10.1002/acp.1693... Read more »
Halkjelsvik, T., Jørgensen, M., & Teigen, K. (2011) To read two pages, I need 5 minutes, but give me 5 minutes and I will read four: how to change productivity estimates by inverting the question. Applied Cognitive Psychology, 25(2), 314-323. DOI: 10.1002/acp.1693
by Alex Fradera in BPS Occupational Digest
To encourage collaboration, many organisations structure incentives so that whole groups are rewarded – or not - based on their collective output. However, the groups-eye view allows for social loafing, where people shirk duties and assume team-mates will carry their load, so it's tempting to keep everyone accountable by adding incentives to individual performance too. Christopher Barnes and his colleagues set out to see just how these mixed incentives turn out in practice.The researchers used a computer warfare simulation that examines behaviour in tight, demanding circumstances, where teams of four protect their territories by correctly identifying enemy intruders and then quickly destroying them. Team-mates used separate monitors, but shared a room and could freely converse. They recruited 304 management undergraduates, half of whom were given straightforward group incentives: $10 each if their group outperformed a specified rival group.The other teams were given mixed incentives: group performance could lead to $5 each , and individually outdoing a specified member of another team garnered another $5. Participants who were individually incentivised were hungrier for scores, being significantly faster at destroying intruders. However, heavily penalised illegitimate attacks ('friendly fire') were more common in these teams. The communication and information flow associated with close teamworking had dropped off, making it hard to detect and ward off errors. This suggests an individual focus that hurt work quality.The study also examined direct helping behaviour, in terms of the efforts made to destroy intruders in team-mate territory rather than your own. This mattered, as each team had a high workload member who was constantly swarmed with as many radar blips as the others had put together. Participants with pure group-level incentives showed more helping behaviours than their mixed incentive counterparts.Barnes and his colleagues suggest that mixed incentives present a conflict between maximising individual interests and that of the collective, and the temptation is to focus on your own priorities, letting others hold the fort for you. Moreover, if you doubt that they will, you'd be even more of a sucker to vainly do so yourself. This amounts to a social dilemma akin to the prisoner's dilemma, which pressurises players towards self-serving behaviours.I felt - and the authors do note - that the experimental paradigm relates best to 'task forces' whose urgent tasks necessitate trade-offs between different behaviours. I'm skeptical about generalising to workplaces which are more elastic: I may forgo reading my book over lunch in order to help you out, feel rewarded by this, and spend the afternoon contributing just as much or more to my own goals. Nevertheless, by plugging social dilemmas in to the research on incentives, this article highlights that tweaking incentives can result in tradeoffs, not simply the best of both worlds.Barnes, C., Hollenbeck, J., Jundt, D., DeRue, D., & Harmon, S. (2010). Mixing Individual Incentives and Group Incentives: Best of Both Worlds or Social Dilemma? Journal of Management, 37 (6), 1611-1635 DOI: 10.1177/0149206309360845... Read more »
Barnes, C., Hollenbeck, J., Jundt, D., DeRue, D., & Harmon, S. (2010) Mixing Individual Incentives and Group Incentives: Best of Both Worlds or Social Dilemma?. Journal of Management, 37(6), 1611-1635. DOI: 10.1177/0149206309360845
by Alex Fradera in BPS Occupational Digest
Thesupport that mentors offer can have considerable benefits, for boththeir proteges and the organisation at large. Recognising this, manydevelop formal mentoring programs to encourage and manage thisprocess. However, such a managed system provides different conditionsto an informal one, where parties identify an alignment of person andcircumstance. Frankie Weinberg and Melenie Lankau at the Universityof Georgia decided to explore what this means for mentorcontributions within formal mentoring relationships.Weinbergand Lankau worked with a voluntary nine month mentoring program wherementor-protege pairs were formed by the organisation's executivecommittee; 110 such pairs joined their research. Questionnaires wereused to understand how much time mentors dedicated to therelationship, and how much they felt they were fulfilling variousmentoring functions: providing career guidance, psychosocial support,and role modelling good behaviours. Mentoringrelationships are understood to move through phases, so the authorssampled mentors views twice: two months into the program and onemonth after its end. This allowed study of the initiation phase,where each party gets the feel of the other, and the followingcultivation phase, which insight and the relationship deepens.Mentoring activity is expected to be optimised during the cultivationphase, so Weinberg and Lankau investigated the relationship betweenthe time spent on mentoring, and the mentoring functions on offer.Time spent on mentoring increased all three mentoring functions duringinitiation (time one), but by the cultivation phase, time expendedwas even more strongly associated with enhanced mentoring function,suggesting an hour of mentoring is worth more during cultivation thanduring initiation.Weinbergand Lankau were concerned that mixed-sex pairs may suffer in aformalised context, as weaker resemblance can lead mentors to investless effort than when working with a 'younger version of me'. Indeed,during the initiation period, mentors paired with proteges of theother sex overall reported providing lower levels of all threementoring functions. However, once they had reached the cultivationstage, these mixed-sex penalties disappeared for psychosexual supportand role-modelling, suggesting that increased familiarity managed toerode some of these barriers.Thisstudy clearly evidences how formal mentoring relationships gainmomentum: after the initiation phase, investments into therelationship yield greater dividends and impediments to therelationship tend to be shucked off. So organisations consideringformal mentoring should ensure that the relationships they cultivatehave the time that they need to blossom.Weinberg, F., & Lankau, M. (2010). Formal Mentoring Programs: A Mentor-Centric and Longitudinal Analysis Journal of Management, 37 (6), 1527-1557 DOI: 10.1177/0149206309349310... Read more »
Weinberg, F., & Lankau, M. (2010) Formal Mentoring Programs: A Mentor-Centric and Longitudinal Analysis. Journal of Management, 37(6), 1527-1557. DOI: 10.1177/0149206309349310
by Alex Fradera in BPS Occupational Digest
Experience and brutebrainpower enhance programming skill by helping programming knowledgeto build over time, rather than by directly boosting currentperformance, according to a new article in the Journal of IndividualDifferences.Authors Gunnar RyeBergersen and Jan-Eric Gustafsson put 65 professional programmersthrough their paces for two straight days, tackling twelve meatytasks in the Java language to prove their programming skill; this waswhat the study ultimately wanted to better understand.Participants all filledin an extensive questionnaire on Java programming knowledge. Someparticipants also completed a suite of tasks involving memorisingitems (e.g. letters) while simultaneously handling another task suchas checking sentences for errors. These measure working memory, thecomponent of mind that keeps things available for consciousprocessing, and related to 'g', our proposed fundamental level ofmental ability. Unfortunately working memory scores for over half theparticipants weren't taken due to logistical issues.The authors modelledthe relationships between all variables, including years of workexperience, and found the best predictor of programming skill wasprogramming knowledge: it loaded onto skill with a value of .77, where one would meanperfect prediction. Once knowledge was taken into account, aprogrammer's skill didn't benefit from better working memory orlonger experience. Rather, these variables seem to matter earlier inthe process by building better knowledge: working memory to help theprogrammer make sense of complex concepts, experience to provide thetime for this to happen.You can't get by in theprogramming industry with a static knowledge base, so working memoryand a sharp mind will always be in demand in the profession. Indeed,observing that their data found an association between working memoryand programming experience, the authors speculate that wannabes withpoor working memory are more likely to leave the profession entirely.But this study asks us to recognise that a whizzprogrammer's competence is thanks to applying that brainpower tolearning their trade.Bergersen, G., & Gustafsson, J. (2011). Programming Skill, Knowledge, and Working Memory Among Professional Software Developers from an Investment Theory Perspective. Journal of Individual Differences, 32 (4), 201-209 DOI: 10.1027/1614-0001/a000052... Read more »
Bergersen, G., & Gustafsson, J. (2011) Programming Skill, Knowledge, and Working Memory Among Professional Software Developers from an Investment Theory Perspective. Journal of Individual Differences, 32(4), 201-209. DOI: 10.1027/1614-0001/a000052
by Alex Fradera in BPS Occupational Digest
When someone we trust takes us for a ride, the bump back to earth is something we're unlikely to forget. But when we suspiciously reject an offer from someone else, we may never know what we've missed out on due to too little trust. Over time, such asymmetries in feedback can tip us toward an unwarranted cynical stance. It's clear that cynicism is as unhelpful a bias as naivety: it leads to guarded communication, reduced sharing, and more self-serving biases, all of which may cause interactions to nosedive. A recent review by Chia-Jung Tsay and his team from Harvard Business School may help us understand cynicism and how it develops.The review identifies some key triggers that enhance cynicism, including:Being new to negotiation - novices are more likely to believe that negotiation is always competitive;Thinking about the power of influence; for instance, knowledge that another party is a sales expert leads negotiators to suspect their offers more;Inclusion of a shady character - negotiating groups take the least trustworthy individual in the other group as the best indicator of group trustworthiness;Clear power asymmetries - people expect more misrepresentations from authorities with access to hidden information.The authors point to a range of studies where participants reject offers that are in their rational best interest because of lurking cynicism that puts them off the whole venture. They warn us that the consequence is that "cynicism regarding others' motivations may become a self-fulfilling prophecy that leaves both sides worse off than would otherwise be the case." Happily, the review concludes with some advice we might take on to chart a better course:perspective-taking to recognise your 'opponent' is an active party in negotiations, cultivating a "healthy skepticism" that considers a full range of motives on their part;act with integrity - it increases the likelihood the other party will;encourage a level playing field that minimises hidden information;foster repeated exposure to specific negotiators to build a history of trust that is costly to undermine.Try the techniques out, you won't regret it. Trust me.Tsay, C., Shu, L., & Bazerman, M. (2011). Naïveté and Cynicism in Negotiations and Other Competitive Contexts The Academy of Management Annals, 5 (1), 495-518 DOI: 10.1080/19416520.2011.587283... Read more »
Tsay, C., Shu, L., & Bazerman, M. (2011) Naïveté and Cynicism in Negotiations and Other Competitive Contexts. The Academy of Management Annals, 5(1), 495-518. DOI: 10.1080/19416520.2011.587283
by Alex Fradera in BPS Occupational Digest
Assessment days for evaluating work-relevant behaviours ofapplicants or job incumbents often draw on actors to perform as difficultteam-members or curious clients in meeting simulations. A recent study hasshown that these role-playing actors can be trained to effectively weave pre-writtendialogue prompts into the improvised simulations. However, whether this helpsmeasurement of participant behaviours is less clear.The study authors Eveline Schollaert and Filip Lievens gave19 role-players training, which in one condition included explicit guidance onusing behaviour-eliciting prompts during assessment exercises; for example,"Mention that you feel bad about it" in order to provoke behavioursrelating to a dimension of interpersonal sensitivity. Such prompts are often provided in prep material, but actual usage was unknown. The authors wondered whetherrole-players could realistically increase their prompt usage through training, or whether this istoo much to ask an actor in the thick of a dynamic interaction. At a subsequent assessment centre, the role-playersinteracted in simulations with 233 students from Ghent University. Role-playerswith prompt training were able to incorporate four to five times more promptsthan those without such training, an increase from about two prompts perexercise to 10-12. More prompts ought to elicit more relevant behaviours, so theauthors expected observers to get a better picture of true 'candidate'performance. But this isn't clear. In the high-prompt condition, pairs ofraters watching the same role-play didn't agree any more on their ratings,suggesting the behaviours remained just as obscured as without prompts. Thatsaid, there was better correspondence of some of the ratings to other measurementsyou would expect to be related - for instance, interpersonal sensitivitycorrelated better with an Agreeableness personality score acquired pre-centre.But half of the predicted increases in correlation weren't observed.Regarding their unsupported hypotheses, the authors wonderwhether the rating assessors should also have been trained on prompt use toencourage sensitivity to candidate reactions. I have additional concerns on thenature of the assessors -minimally trained masters students - used to drawconclusions about a professionalised domain. Nonetheless, this rare examinationof role-player impact on face to face assessments suggests training cangenerate more dimension-focused contributions, which in turn may result inmeasurements with more predictive power. Schollaert, E., & Lievens, F. (2011). The Use of Role-Player Prompts in Assessment Center Exercises International Journal of Selection and Assessment, 19 (2), 190-197 DOI: 10.1111/j.1468-2389.2011.00546.x... Read more »
Schollaert, E., & Lievens, F. (2011) The Use of Role-Player Prompts in Assessment Center Exercises. International Journal of Selection and Assessment, 19(2), 190-197. DOI: 10.1111/j.1468-2389.2011.00546.x
by Alex Fradera in BPS Occupational Digest
MBA courses are meant to prepare their students to become effective business leaders, and give a lot of attention to that goal. This mid-late career focus makes it reasonable to wonder how MBA graduates are equipped for their earlier career, when they take their classroom knowledge to a managerial role with significant responsibilities. Beth Benjamin and Charles O'Reilly of Stanford University conducted a qualitative investigation into early-career challenges for 55 such “manager-graduates”, to understand the near-term needs of a newly minted MBA, and hence how their course could leave them better prepared.Their interviews, exploring especially challenging episodes in the early career of these manager-graduates, illustrated how an educational experience emphasising analytical problem solving, graft, and individual success, inevitably shapes a more task-oriented approach. Often knowing 'what' to do, the manager-graduate is less sure on 'how to do it', notably in the social dimension.Aggressively outdoing his peers to wind up with a promotion, one interviewee entered his role only to have several team members - once his peers - walk out. His learning from this was to “treat your peers as though they might someday be your boss or direct reports.” Another trap was assuming that others share your approach, motivation and skills towards work issues; this can lead to overly relaxed expectation-setting or misjudging how to motivate others for a new direction. One interviewee baldly stated "[Business School] doesn’t prepare you to manage a wide swatch of people", such as those whose life doesn’t revolve around business excellence.Another theme of the research was the need for manager-graduates to shift mind-set. They needed to flourish when their achievements become highly indirect by embracing being a "caretaker for something larger than myself". They also needed to cope with, and learn from, personal disappointments, which can be a real challenge for a perennial straight-A student unused to such situations.All the challenges represented some form of transition point, where the manager-graduate had to drop old assumptions, turn to different skills, renegotiate relationships or take a new approach. Such transitions are vital times for spurring learning forward, but can be problematic if they come before the individual is ready for them.Benjamin and O'Reilly fear the MBA system doesn't accomplish this preparation, as "teaching leadership principles without sufficient application opportunities runs the risk of making complex leadership concepts appear simple and obvious". Although applied learning does occur in MBAs, they feel there is a need for better integration, to understand the how in the context of the what, to provide their students well-practiced strategies to carry them through the situations of stress that will define their early career.Benjamin, B., & O'Reilly, C. (2011). Becoming a Leader: Early Career Challenges Faced by MBA Graduates The Academy of Management Learning and Education, 10 (3), 452-472 DOI: 10.5465/amle.2011.0002... Read more »
Benjamin, B., & O'Reilly, C. (2011) Becoming a Leader: Early Career Challenges Faced by MBA Graduates. The Academy of Management Learning and Education, 10(3), 452-472. DOI: 10.5465/amle.2011.0002
by Alex Fradera in BPS Occupational Digest
Despite some schools of thought, it's generally to your advantage to name a price first in negotiations. This is thanks to the anchoring effect, where presenting a value skews later judgments towards it. There is plenty of evidence that setting salary for a new role is influenced by relevant anchors, such as the applicant stating their previous pay or expectations for this job. But decision-making research suggests that estimates and attributions can be influenced by even arbitrary and extreme anchors. Todd Thorsteinson at the University of Idaho set about seeing how crazy numbers might also shape take-home pay.206 psychology students were asked to make a salary suggestion for a desirable job applicant question. Participants were presented with the applicant's description including two anchors: a realistic one of the applicant's previous salary ($29,000), and an unusual one of either $100k or $1, embedded within a joking statement they made about their salary expectations. The joking context was considered necessary to allow the unusual anchor to be presented without triggering other effects, like being considered overly arrogant or having poor judgment. Participants given the high unusual anchor awarded a higher salary than both those given the low unusual anchor and a control condition with just the realistic anchor.A second experiment asked its 150 participants to additionally record their perceptions when reading about the applicant, and introduced an even more extreme anchor: one million dollars. Participants were not put off by the extreme anchor, perceiving it as just as plausible and influential as the $100k reference, and in both cases ended up offering the applicant a higher salary than when these high anchors were absent. So, just as in the literature on estimation, even radically inappropriate anchors can sway decisions. It's worth noting too that the unusual anchors had their effect despite being presented alongside realistic ones, as some studies have suggested that in such situations we may simply defer to the more plausible. That wasn't the case here.There are risks to naming a salary first, such as underselling yourself or pricking the sensibilities of the hirer. So using a joke to introduce an anchoring value may be a safer bet. Organisations may of course respond: using clearly defined pay ranges and clear criteria to shape a fair financial offer for a desired candidate. Both parties should take seriously the power of framing the financial borders of a negotiation.THORSTEINSON, T. (2011). Initiating Salary Discussions With an Extreme Request: Anchoring Effects on Initial Salary Offers1 Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 41 (7), 1774-1792 DOI: 10.1111/j.1559-1816.2011.00779.x... Read more »
THORSTEINSON, T. (2011) Initiating Salary Discussions With an Extreme Request: Anchoring Effects on Initial Salary Offers1. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 41(7), 1774-1792. DOI: 10.1111/j.1559-1816.2011.00779.x
by Alex Fradera in BPS Occupational Digest
Brainstorming, when people gather to generate ideas together, is great in theory: many perspectives mesh to generate diverse outputs. In practice, evidence shows that brainstorming groups often perform more poorly than an equivalent number of soloists (often called a 'nominal' group). Some reasons are social, such as a pressure not to offer wild ideas in public; these can be mitigated by changing norms or tweaking process, e.g. sharing ideas anonymously using computers. A recent article focuses on the other side of the equation: the mental or cognitive narrowing that happens when you hear others' ideas.Nicholas Kohn and Steven Smith ran a series of studies with undergraduate students, who spent twenty minutes on a computer responding to the challenge "List ways in which to improve Texas A&M University." Half the participants were in brainstorming groups, accessing the ideas of three other group members in a chat window, whereas the others worked independently with their outputs combined after the fact to make nominal groups. The first experiment affirmed that nominal groups did better – they accessed more categories of idea, and had more ideas overall.Kohn and Smith suspected something called cognitive fixation, where being exposed to another's idea makes it more salient in your mind and blocks ideas of other types. They examined this in experiment two, where each participant was grouped with a single partner who was actually a confederate of the experimenters. This allowed them to systematically manipulate the number of ideas a participant saw in their chat window, presenting between one and twenty typical ideas from the most common categories generated in experiment one, such as Transportation or Food.As expected, a high number of cues led to less novel ideas within fewer categories, which were rarely the uncued, uncommon ones. However, the overall number of ideas was not significantly affected, meaning candidates went more deeply into those fewer categories that they did consider. This suggests fixation: inspired by – but stuck on – the concepts presented to them.A final experiment suggested that fixation can be shaken by taking a break. Participants who had been fed typical cues during just the first half of the study generated 86% more ideas and explored 57% more categories in the second half if they were put to work on an unrelated five-minute task in between. The break had no effect when participants were not exposed to fixation cues in the first half.Although brainstorming didn't outperform a nominal group, the study suggests instances where it might be preferred: "if the goal is to explore a few categories in depth, then interaction among the members should be encouraged", preferably with a break and time to work more independently. Conversely, when you are after variety and uniqueness of ideas, cognitive fixation on obvious topics may be a risk. One solutions is to elicit opportunities for solo free thinking, and have these outputs brought to the table instead; another might be to use techniques to guide thinking towards the fringes rather than gravitating back to our common concerns.Kohn, N., & Smith, S. (2011). Collaborative fixation: Effects of others' ideas on brainstorming Applied Cognitive Psychology, 25 (3), 359-371 DOI: 10.1002/acp.1699... Read more »
Kohn, N., & Smith, S. (2011) Collaborative fixation: Effects of others' ideas on brainstorming. Applied Cognitive Psychology, 25(3), 359-371. DOI: 10.1002/acp.1699
by Alex Fradera in BPS Occupational Digest
Organisations don't make recruitment websites for their own gratification, but to attract applicants. Ideally, they want informed ones who've gathered a realistic sense of whether the organisation is for them. So recruiters should take note: a recent study has shown that sites that present cues of racial diversity encourage both black and white applicants to browse for longer and encode more information about the organisation.H. Jack Walker and colleagues had expected that racial diversity cues such as images and testimonials would appeal to black applicants, by indicating that the organisation was sympathetic to their identity. Rather than just surveying attitudes, the team went beyond previous studies by looking at what applicants did during and remembered following site browsing.In a first study, 141 students evaluated a website of a fictional website, which under one condition included a diversity cue - two of four company representatives on the "Meet Our People" page were black - whereas under the other condition all four reps were white. A second study increased real-world validity by asking 73 students to make judgements about two genuine company sites with high or low diversity cues.In both studies, the black students (around a third of each sample) were able to recall more details about the organisation when tested two to three weeks after when they had been browsing a website containing strong diversity cues. The first study measured browsing time too, and found the black students spent more time on those websites. But all this was also true of the white students: the effects were slightly less pronounced - there was an interaction between presence of cue and applicant race - but they were there nonetheless.Straight off, I should emphasise that use of diversity cues needs to be sincere: misselling an organisation as diversity friendly is a clear recipe for disaster for applicant and employer alike. With that in mind, there would be ample reason to put sincere diversity cues in recruitment websites even if the effect had been limited to black applicants. Even neglecting the wider social effects, increasing diversity in an organisation widens its talent pool, can improve its performance and makes it more attractive to a broader customer base. But the current study suggests that for black and white applicants, sites containing such cues "are more likely to maintain applicant interest so that website viewers evaluate and retain more website information". In a world of short attention spans, that's got to be worth a lot.Walker, H., Feild, H., Bernerth, J., & Becton, J. (2011). Diversity cues on recruitment websites: Investigating the effects on job seekers' information processing. Journal of Applied Psychology DOI: 10.1037/a0025847... Read more »
Walker, H., Feild, H., Bernerth, J., & Becton, J. (2011) Diversity cues on recruitment websites: Investigating the effects on job seekers' information processing. Journal of Applied Psychology. DOI: 10.1037/a0025847
by Alex Fradera in BPS Occupational Digest
Is charisma innate or can we acquire it? This question has preoccupied scholars of leadership certainly since Max Weber proposed it was a gift "not accessible to everybody" over a century ago. Research suggests charismatic leadership - the use of ideology and emotion to rouse feeling and motivations - involves explicit behaviours, such as body language techniques, showing moral conviction and using metaphor. Is it possible to teach these so-called charismatic leader tactics (CLTs), and does this lead to higher attributions of charisma? There have been promising studies, but to date there hasn't been a study that investigated mature working adults and used a control group.Enter a team from the University of Lausanne, headed by John Antonakis. Their first study recruited 34 managers who underwent a 360-degree process, each receiving ratings of charisma and leadership prototypicality (how much they resemble a leader) from themselves and around ten other co-workers. One month later, half the managers experienced a charisma training intervention, which included presentation of the various CLTs and practical sessions. Three months after the intervention, all managers again received 360 ratings using an altered rating scale to avoid undue influence from the last process. Managers who underwent training saw their charisma ratings significantly grow, relative to those who didn't.There remained a possibility that these effects weren't the result of CLTs but due to raised confidence or self-awareness due to the training. So a second, study looked directly at the effects of CLTs in a controlled laboratory setting. 41 participants from an MBA course made speeches as part of their course requirements. After a bout of charisma training, they were asked to give the speech again, making changes in light of the training but preserving its core content. Films of every speech were given to trained coders who determined how many of the CLTs were present in a given speech, confirming they were more frequent after the training. Speeches with more CLTs - determined by the coder group - received higher ratings from a separate rater group on trust, competence, influence, affect (emotion) and leader prototypicality.The authors emphasise there are no quick fixes - the training involved a real commitment of time - and that inexperienced overuse of CLTs can lead to self-parody, with pantomime hand gesture and excruciating metaphor. But as the study demonstrates, charisma is at least partly the result of adopting tactics that are transferable and learnable.Antonakis, J., Fenley, M., & Liechti, S. (2011). Can Charisma Be Taught? Tests of Two Interventions The Academy of Management Learning and Education, 10 (3), 374-396 DOI: 10.5465/amle.2010.0012 ------------------------For those interested, here are the Charismatic Leader Tactics: the verbal techniquesframing through metaphor stories and anecdotes demonstrating moral conviction sharing the sentiments of the collective setting high expectations communicating confidence using rhetorical devices such as contrasts, lists, and rhetorical questionstogether with non-verbal tactics such as body gesture, facial expression, and animated voice tone.... Read more »
Antonakis, J., Fenley, M., & Liechti, S. (2011) Can Charisma Be Taught? Tests of Two Interventions. The Academy of Management Learning and Education, 10(3), 374-396. DOI: 10.5465/amle.2010.0012
by Alex Fradera in BPS Occupational Digest
Giving organisational members a say on work-related issues is well understood to heighten a sense of trust, respect and fairness. But a manager who invites opinions may not be planning to consider them. They may want to increase employee engagement through paying lip service to 'dialogue'; they may be an autocrat who feels obliged to appear consistent with the organisation's ethos; they may be reflexively doing something they were told to do at business school. So what happens when the opportunity to express is a case of 'pseudo voice' ... and the employees know it?Gerdien de Vries, Baren Jehn and Bart Terwel investigated this issue by collecting survey data from 137 workers in a Dutch healthcare institution. Each participant rated the presence of two facets necessary for pseudo voice: did they have opportunity to express their voice? and did they believe their manager would disregard it? When the interaction between these was high, employees tended to give low scores to another measure, the extent to which they took opportunities to voice their opinions. In other words, perceiving deceit led to employees keeping their perspectives on issues to themselves.The participants also rated the amount of intragroup conflict they experienced. De Vreis and colleagues suspected that when employees withdraw voice because they perceive the opportunity as a sham, conflict may increase: employees respond to this 'organisational illegitimacy' by refusing to play by the rules themselves, or squabble with colleagues in a displaced attempt to reclaim some kind of control. The data duly demonstrated this: participants who perceived pseudo voice experienced more team conflict than those who believed their managers were sincere.Providing employees with voice is important; as well as its cohesive effects, it provides the organisation with a diversity of perspectives. As its authors note, this study is useful as it "provides a better understanding of the conditions under which offering voice opportunity to employees is likely to backfire" - namely, when they are seen as insincere and deceptive. It's notable that in this study, managers indicated a disregard for voice higher than employees suspected, suggesting if anything the employees were credulous rather than cynical towards management contempt for their opinions. But Machiavellian managers who think an unread suggestion box is a worthwhile gamble should beware; as this study shows, the costs to organisational functioning can be substantial.(Thanks to reader Chris Woock for bringing this article to the Digest's attention.)Vries, G., Jehn, K., & Terwel, B. (2011). When Employees Stop Talking and Start Fighting: The Detrimental Effects of Pseudo Voice in Organizations Journal of Business Ethics DOI: 10.1007/s10551-011-0960-4... Read more »
Vries, G., Jehn, K., & Terwel, B. (2011) When Employees Stop Talking and Start Fighting: The Detrimental Effects of Pseudo Voice in Organizations. Journal of Business Ethics. DOI: 10.1007/s10551-011-0960-4
by Alex Fradera in BPS Occupational Digest
Tension between work and family life is an understandable concern for organisations. As research on how it affects organisational commitment has been equivocal, many researchers are looking for individual differences that may mediate these relationships. A recent article suggests one such difference may relate to how you answer the question: what does the future hold?A research team led by Darren Treadwell drew on the sociological theory of socioemotional selectivity, proposing that a person's motivations are partly guided by their take on the future. If you regard time in your position as expansive or limitless, you possess a deep time perspective, and are more likely to use your time instrumentally to build for the future. A shallow time perspective means you see the end of your tenure as imminent, and are keener to get those rewards you can in the here and now. The team reasoned that these different perspectives may mediate how we feel when work and home collide.The researchers constructed a survey that looked at two facets of organisational commitment. Questions like "This organisation has a great deal of personal meaning for me" covered the affective facet, whereas the more pragmatic one, called 'continuance commitment', established whether for example "Too much in my life would be disrupted if I decided I wanted to leave my organisation". They also included items on time perspective and degree of inter-role conflict - both work-family conflict (WFC) where work clashes with family responsibilities, and its mirror, FWC.Survey data was collected from a sample of 291 staff from a retail firm. For participants with a shallow time perspective, continuance commitment was eroded by higher WFC - they were sensitive to disruptions of their out-of-hours 'good life', and more likely to consider the costs and benefits of shipping out. But the attitude of their deep-time colleagues didn't waver under the same conditions.Affective commitment suffered when WFC was prominent, with participants falling out of love with the job when it hurt their home life. But participants with a deep time perspective also disengaged when family duties impacted work. This seems to reflect a frustration that work ambitions have become difficult to accomplish, leading to disenchantment and a shift to treating the workplace even more instrumentally.This type of research is crucial in revealing the complex shape of important phenomena like inter-role conflict: why it may lead some employees to withdraw into a transactional relationship, and others to question their very presence in the organisation. As workplace engagement remains high on the agenda so these questions will continue to be front of mind.Darren C. Treadwell, Allison B. Duke, Pamela L. Perrewe, Jacob W. Breland, & Joseph M. Goodman (2011). Time May Change Me: The Impact of Future Time Perspective on the Relationship Between Work–Family Demands and Employee Commitment Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 41 (7), 1659-1679 DOI: 10.1111/j.1559-1816.2011.00777.x... Read more »
Darren C. Treadwell, Allison B. Duke, Pamela L. Perrewe, Jacob W. Breland, & Joseph M. Goodman. (2011) Time May Change Me: The Impact of Future Time Perspective on the Relationship Between Work–Family Demands and Employee Commitment. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 41(7), 1659-1679. DOI: Time May Change Me: The Impact of Future Time Perspective on the Relationship Between Work–Family Demands and Employee Commitment
by Alex Fradera in BPS Occupational Digest
The middle child can be an awkward position in a family, and this is just as true in the workplace. Middle management juggle responsibilities to their reports and their managers, a feat trickiest when leadership decide that the organisation needs to change. Do they dutifully implement the bosses' plans, or cling to the manageable status quo? A recent qualitative study suggests this group take a third role, of ambivalent change agents.Edel Conway and Kathy Monks of Dublin City University conducted interviews in the Irish Health Service, a 93,000-strong organisation, then undergoing a large top-down change. They asked 23 middle managers to talk about a major change event that they had experienced recently; around half chose the top-down strategic initiative while the others recounted a change they themselves had initiated.The strategic initiative came in for criticism, with middle managers quick to point out issues like increases in workload, uncertainty about direction of travel, and a lack of ownership. Yet the same cohort were enthusiastic when discussing their own change ideas. They revealed a set of pragmatic tactics, such as beginning with a small number of enthusiastic staff as a catalyst within their department. They understood the importance of communications, reflecting the frustrations they felt when they were left in the dark. The general philosophy was noted by one participant:I think the difference was that we said "we have an idea, can we talk to you about how it might work" Whereas with the other [top-down] one, it is: “we have an idea and this is how it is going to work.”Some of this may simply reflect a tendency to prefer our own ideas to those imposed on us. But it certainly contests the idea that middle management are simply resistant to change. Through the nature of their in-between position in the organisation, Conway and Monks see them as ambivalent agents, able to see the many facets of a process of change, critiquing problematic ones and finding concrete ways to realise others.The authors note that middle manager initiatives “were in many cases providing the solutions that the top-down change was intended to enforce: reductions in waiting lists, improvements in patient care.” And they warn that though the middle manager layer is a tempting target for reducing salary costs in pinched public services “wholesale elimination of such positions may have negative repercussions for the success of change initiatives.”Conway, E., & Monks, K. (2011). Change from below: the role of middle managers in mediating paradoxical change Human Resource Management Journal, 21 (2), 190-203 DOI: 10.1111/j.1748-8583.2010.00135.x... Read more »
Conway, E., & Monks, K. (2011) Change from below: the role of middle managers in mediating paradoxical change. Human Resource Management Journal, 21(2), 190-203. DOI: 10.1111/j.1748-8583.2010.00135.x
by Alex Fradera in BPS Occupational Digest
Many workplaces allow the playing of radio or recorded music during working hours, providing a chance to personalise and brighten the working climate. But how does music affect our ability to perform tasks at work? And does this depend on the kind of person we are? A recent study by a team from University College London sheds more light on this topic.Stacey Dobbs, Adrian Furnham and Alastair McClelland worked with 118 female schoolchildren (aged 11-18) to investigate how tasks that demand focus are influenced by different kinds of auditory distraction administered over headphones. They developed two soundtracks, one composed of samples of environmental sound like children playing and laughter, and the other a mix of UK garage music. (I'll spare you the embarrassment of reading me trying to describe that.) They also wanted to know whether extraversion had any influence, following previous findings that suggest more introverted people suffer more from auditory distraction, as they are more easily overwhelmed by strong stimuli.The participants attempted different tasks under the various conditions, and slightly different effects emerged. On a test of abstract reasoning, the participants did best under conditions of silence, and scores suffered less due to music than experiencing noise, when performance was lowest. But the penalties from auditory distraction diminished as extraversion increased, and the most extraverted students performed just as strongly in all conditions. On a test of general cognitive ability, and another of verbal reasoning, the silence and music conditions were comparable, with noise again leading to worst performance. Again, higher extraversion eliminated the penalty from noise.We should always be careful generalising from a narrow sample (children) to another, although the extraversion effect has been observed before in adult groups (and it's also true that children do form part of our workforce). That said, it's interesting that noise was more disruptive than music across all tasks. The authors suggest that may be partly due to it lacking the positive emotional influence that music can provide; noise isn't designed to delight. They also draw attention to earlier work by the first author, which suggests that the most distracting music is that very familiar to the user. This suggests that an eclectic radio station, or a large and varied play-list, may be a viable alternative to wrestling with background chatter, or slapping that well-worn U2 record on. Again.Dobbs, S., Furnham, A., & McClelland, A. (2011). The effect of background music and noise on the cognitive test performance of introverts and extraverts Applied Cognitive Psychology, 25 (2), 307-313 DOI: 10.1002/acp.1692... Read more »
Dobbs, S., Furnham, A., & McClelland, A. (2011) The effect of background music and noise on the cognitive test performance of introverts and extraverts. Applied Cognitive Psychology, 25(2), 307-313. DOI: 10.1002/acp.1692
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